THE OBSERVATORY

The Lessee of this fashionable place of resort, respectfully informs the public, and citizen strangers, that it is now open for the spring and summer seasons. It is situated on an eminence which commands a beautiful view of Narragansett Bay and the adjacent country; and it is admitted by all who have visited it to be a delightful place of resort. Attached to the Observatory, are two excellent Bowling Alleys, not inferior to any in Rhode-Island. The Bar is supplied with the best liquors that can be procured, and other refreshments such as Fruits, Pastry, &c. Every attention will be paid to those who visit the establishment; and affords an agreeable walk, particularly to gentlemen strangers who visit the town for observation and amusement. The Observatory will be kept open from 7 o'clock, A. M. till 9 P. M.

J. BARTLETT(3)

This advertisement appeared during what may have been a hot early September in 1828: "OBSERVATORY - Refreshments of every kind will be served up this day, at this cool and pleasant retreat. In the evening the building will be elegantly illuminated, and a large balloon will be sent up at half-past eight o'clock."(4)
     Two years later he took the lease of another recreational spot: Horton Grove in North Providence.(5) In an advertisement, it was a "delightful Summer Retreat, where he [Jonas] will be happy at all times to wait on those who may honor him with their company. Clubs and private parties can at all times be accommodated with rooms, refreshments and suppers, and no exertions on the part of the proprietor will be spared to procure the fruits of the seasons, and the luxuries of the market. As a place of genteel, fashionable amusement, the Grove is not surpassed in New-England, and is too well known to need description at this time. As it is situated but a mile and a half from Providence Court House, the proprietor invites all to call and see for themselves, and he hopes none will go away dissatisfied." Little has been found about this place, so a description would have been useful. It was adjacent to the North Burying Ground and partially surrounded by the Blackstone Canal and the Smithfield Turnpike, so it was conveniently located. The following is a bit more revealing:

It is not, we understand, his [Mr. Lawton] intention to erect nine pin allies, or to allow any amusements that would be likely to annoy the fashionable company who visit this house. HORTON GROVE is a very romantic spot - the house, surrounded by piazzas, is finished in a handsome style and presents many attractions to those who may feel disposed ot seek refreshment inm the summer season, from the busy and bustling pursuits of a town life. An establishment like this wil be liberally supported bythe fashionable citizens of Pawtucket, Providence and the adjoining towns.(6)

It's interesting to know that the Washington Observatory, an obvious competitor, did have bowling alleys. What changes Jonas may have made to Horton Grove haven't been found. His stay there was brief, probably due to the property being sold on 22 August 1831. He advertised up to May of that year with his name, then reports of fresh stawberries being available there appear in June. The lease was taken by someone else by 10 September. The auction notice describes the property as having "a two story House, about 40 by 34 feet, with a Piazza on three sides - good Celars, 4 well finished rooms on the first floor and 5 on the second, with complete garret room; a Barn, Stable, Chaise House and other buildings; 4 acres 58 rods of land well stocked iwth apple, peach, cherry and other trees; grape and raspberry vines; a large strawberry and asparagus bed, and a pond stocked with trout." Rent for the property was $400 a year.
Newspapers are mum as to what occupied Jonas the year after Horton Grove.

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vital records sources: Jonas' birth date and birth place come from family notes. They can be found in print in The Providence Privateer..., an account of the family of Nicholas Hopkins (Providence:1893), p. 56, by "a near relative A. H.," who was undoubtedly Albert Holbrook, Jonas' brother-in-law. Nicholas was an uncle of Albert and Harriet (Holbrook) Bartlett. There is no reason to doubt that Albert got his information about Jonas and Harriet's family directly from family members. This information can also be found, verbatim, in Albert's hand in his unpublished manuscript on the Holbrook family, 1889, p. 21 (in the collection of The Rhode Island Historical Society). Although there is no official record of Jonas' birth in Wilmington, evidence is plentiful as to where, about when and into what family. Censuses consistently place his birth in Vermont in the first years of the 19th century. Perley and Lucy of Wilmington had a sons Jonas and Avery baptized in the local Congregational Church in 1804 (they were evidently not twins), and Jonas is named in Perley's probate papers. Perley and Lucy were also the parents of an Elmer Bartlett (named in Perley's probate papers), and Jonas of New York/Elizabeth/Brooklyn was in partnership at 1 Broadway with an Elmer Bartlett. A Perley Bartlett lived or worked around the corner from Jonas according to the 1839 NYC directory, and he was likely the same Perley who was later a livery keeper in Brooklyn who was certainly the son of Perley and Lucy. Jonas of NY/NJ had a daughter named Lucy. Jonas of NY/NJ, m. in Providence in 1833. Lowell, another son of Perley and Lucy, m. there in 1834. Ultimately, no other Jonas Bartletts have been found who could fit all these scenarios. His marriage is from family notes and is in The Providence Patriot issue of Saturday, 14 September, where it says they married "Tuesday last" by Rev. Phillips. The marriage doesn't appear in the published vital records from town and church archives. His death is from his Brooklyn death certificate and a notice in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle. The latter says he was "in his 74th year" meaning he was 73 and would turn 74 on his next birthday. This supports his being born in April 1803.

1. Congregational Church records, transcribed and deposited at the Wilmington Town Clerk's office.
Family notes and Albert Holbrook's manuscript on the Holbrook family (the latter likely taken from the former) and a notice in The Rhode Island Republican of 18 September, p. 3, give the date.
2. Providence city directory (1826). He also appears on a list of letters remaining at the Providence post office on 31 July (2 August issue of The Providence Patriot).
3. The Providence Patriot, or Columbian Phenix,beginning 16 May 1827, p. 3.
4. Ibid, 3 September 1828, p. 2.
5. Ibid, 17 July 1830, p. 3.
6. Ibid, 26 January 1828, p. 2.
7. Ibid, 1 September 1832, p. .
8. The Newport Mercury, 25 September 1833.
9. see Jonas' vital records sources. Horton Grove was next to the North Burying Ground, and therefore very near the home of the Hopkins and Holbrook families. Widow Sarah (Hopkins) Holbrook lived there, presumably with her daughter Harriet and two boys, before her death in 1825. The property was owned by their cousin Edward Hopkins up to 1840. If the Holbrook children remained there, it is reasonable to think that it was proximity that brought Harriet Holbrook and Jonas together. It probably wasn't in church, although they may have favored the same denomination. Harriet's parents were married by the minister of the First Baptist Church. Harriet and Jonas were married by the minister of the Third Baptist Church. The latter was very close to the Washington Observatory. Did Jonas worship there when he was nearby, and if so, did he continue to after he moved? If Harriet was living in the old Hopkins house in 1833, it's not likely she attended church at the opposite side of the city, since it was very much of its neighborhood. There is too little information to be conclusive. It isn't even known if Jonas lived where he worked, although it's likely. It's possible that Jonas liked Rev. William Phillips of the Third Church enough to make the trip across town after his presumed move, and Harriet was amenable to having him marry them. Their engagement would have happened after Jonas took over the Mansion House. Perhaps Harriet was living nearby and they met at the First Baptist Church.

























Carl Wittke, Tambo and Bones: A History of the American Minstrel Stage (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1930), pp. 43-44. Glenroy, Life, pp. 42-43. Handbills for the circus at the Park seem not to be uncommon. There is a mutilated one in the Hertzberg Circus Collection, San Antonio Public Library, San Antonio, Texas, for February 2. Dan Emmett and Frank Brower were with Nathan A. Howes' circus in NY between 7 November 1842 and 13 February 1843. "Amphitheatre of the Republic." Pelham and Whitlock were with Welsh, Bartlett in 1839. Can't find them late in 1842, early 1843. Cockrell, Dale (1997). Demons of Disorder: Early Blackface Minstrels and Their World. Cambridge University Press. Nathan, Hans (1962). Dan Emmett and the Rise of Early Negro Minstrelsy. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. --------------------------------------- (zoological soc.) Its stated purpose was "to more generally diffuse and promote the knowledge of natural history and gratify rational curiosity." More likely, its purpose was to create a monopoly Annals of the Am. Circus One-hundred-thirty-five signatures, individuals or corporate, are on the articles, some as investors of show property, most as cash contributors. Moral opposition to the circus—and to the theatre and horse racing—was an active attitude throughout nineteenth century America, less pronounced in the West than in the East. The states of Vermont and Connecticut had laws banning the appearance of them; several Cities likewise considered them illegal. Clergymen were almost universally opposed to commercial amusements. However, it was unusual for them to take such action as the Providence gentlemen did; most settled for lecturing against amusements from the pulpit. As did persons, cities passed through phases of morality, perhaps as a result of church efforts, but more likely as a part of urban growth. In the period of the expansion of a place, concerns such as morality and public vice were less important than those of growth and profit. Then, when prosperity had stabilized, cultural and moral attitudes came to the front. Instead of a place in which to merely grow rich, a city became a place in which to raise children and protect property. Schools, churches, libraries and athenaeums were projected and under such influences public behavior was scrutinized. Public amusements then became suspect, as did much other activity. If advice was needed, it was often gained from the clergy. An example of clerical counsel lies in Henry Ward Beechers pamphlet, Lectures to Young Men, first published in 1844. His objections to the circus were: A waste of time. A waste of money. Incompatible with ordinary pursuits (i.e., the theatre, the circus and the race track make the foundry seem a dull place). They engage one in bad company. Gamblers, circus riders, actors and jockeys are men who live off society without returning any equivalent for their support. Such pursuits demoralize men and corrupt youth. Vermont Public Act 24, dated November 16, 1836, read: Circus riding, theatrical exhibitions, juggling, or slight of hand, ventriloquism and magic arts, shall be, and are, declared to be common and public nuisances and offenses against the state. In the winter of 1838-39 the Bowery Amphitheatre was opened in New York. Part of the ground it occupied had been 37 Bowery, the menagerie showplace of the Zoological Institute. This and 39 Bowery were razed and the new building constructed. The lot was 250 feet deep, running back to Christie Street. The last use of 37 Bowery had been by Purdy, Welch, Macomber & Co. in April, 1837. Construction of the Bowery Amphitheatre began September 1, 1837, and the first use of the building was on November 22, 1838. July, 1839. In that month Welch and his partners, Jonas Bartlett and John Clayton bought Hall, Nathans, Tufts & Co., a four-month old concern that was apparently struggling. Its proper name was the New York Circus and Arena Co. and the new owners did not change it. On June 7, 1838 John Clayton arrived in New York with two giraffes, survivors of eleven he had captured in southern Africa. They were put on exhibition singly, each travalling with a few antelopes, also captured by Clayton's expedition. Macomber Welch & Co. had sent Clayton out in 1833 to find these animals. Had he returned before 1837, they would have been exhibited by the Zoological Institute, as were the other Macomber, Welch importations.42 One of the giraffes, which had been on the Mississippi during the winter, was attached to the New York Circus and Arena Co. shortly after the change in ownership. With the giraffe for much of its tour of the South was Saunders K.G. Nellis (1817-1865), a native of Johnstown, Pennsylvania, who had been born without arms. He first exhibited himself at Peale's Museum in New York and was before the public until his death. He used his feet to perform all the ordinary tasks and did such things as sketch with a pencil as well. With the circus he appeared in a separate tent at an additional charge of twenty-five cents. In like manner, those wishing to see the giraffe and forego the circus could do so for twenty-five cents, admission to both being fifty cents. One view of this operation is given in an article in a Savannah, Georgia paper: In the first place, there is a deception practiced, in inducing people to go at seven o'clock, under the belief that the performance in the ring takes place at that time. After the audience are all comfortably seated a man comes forward and proclaims that the performance of the man without arms will now commence and those who choose to pay an additional 25 cents can see him, those who don't may wait here until he is through. Now, all those who have a horror of seeing a deformity in any shape, have a very comfortable time of it, looking into the innocent face of the giraffe while he looks into their simple faces. The next thing we object to is the amount of labor imposed on those two poor, little boys. About one-half of the performance, it seemed to us, fell to their share. This, no doubt, had its origins in the fact that they are very popular with the audience, but even the demands of the popular will should not be put in the scale with the duties of humanity. On the whole we were well enough pleased.43 We cannot identify these apprentices, as the circus did not advertise a single name during the season. After this Savannah stand they proceeded for their 1840 tour. Welch's second enterprise in 1839 was the purchase from George Cadwallader of the Bacon & Derious Circus. Cadwallader, as we indicated, had foreclosed a mortgage in June, 1839. Welch was joined by Jonas Bartlett in this venture as well. Bartlett was a hotel keeper who had signed the 1835 Zoological Institute agreement, but these 1839 circuses were the first upon which his name appeared. The new partners sent H. Hopkins to Richmond to manage the troupe. He promptly took them north; at one stretch they covered three hundred miles in five days, a prodigious move. They began performing in Brooklyn on July 15. The second of the Clayton giraffes was attached to the Grand National Arena Co., as this unit was called, at Woonsocket, Rhode Island. It had been on tour in the East and South when the other one had been in the West. They visited New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania in their tour. On their way into New York City at the end of the season they lost the giraffe. While on the road between Elizabeth and Newark, New Jersey, the animal fell, broke its neck, and died almost immediately. Later giraffes were carried in cages with open tops to avoid such accidents. The Welch & Bartlett company spent the winter in a wooden-walled, canvas-topped arena at 509 Broadway. Their roster over that winter was one of the largest ever brought together, some thirty-six artists appearing over the course of four months. A spirited competition with June, Titus, Angevine & Co.'s Broadway Amphitheatre ensued, behooving each firm to present as full a program as possible. Welch, Bartlett & Co.'s Broadway Circus (billed at times as the Grand Equestrian National Arena) began its 1840 road season immediately upon closing at 509 Broadway. They opened in the Military Garden in Brooklyn on April 6. H. Hopkins had been replaced as manager by T. Curtis; N. R. Husted was the new agent. We noted him on Frost, Husted & Co. in 1836. George Cadwallader was the equestrian director and John Glenroy, Edwin Derious, Sylvanus Spencer and William O. Dale were among the performers. From the Military Garden they went to Boston for five weeks and then roamed through New York State for the rest of the season. In September, Mons. LeTort was added to the company. Glenroy described him as one of the cleverest riders of that time. The 1840 road tour ended in Sing Sing, New York and the circus opened at the Bowery Theatre on November 16. It was during this engagement that Levi J. North, who joined on November 23, repeated the somersault on horseback that he had first accomplished in the summer of 1839 while with Batty's circus in England.46 Welch sold out to partner Bartlett in the first week of January; William A. Delavan took his place in the firm. On July 5, 1841, Welch and Colonel Alvah Mann purchased the New York Circus from Bartlett and Delavan and he once again became the employer of Cadwallader, Glenroy, Derious, North, etc. The sale took place in Richmond, Virginia. Alvah Mann (d. 1855), a New Yorker, had been a successful hotel keeper prior to travelling with a troupe of American Indians in 1839; one of his units had been with Welch & Bartlett in that year. There were two new circuses in 1841, both tied to the fortunes of Rufus Welch. One was Bartlett & Delavan's New York Circus; the other, P. H. Nichol's Grecian Arena and Classic Circus. Bartlett & Delavan was the result of Welch selling out to Bartlett his interest in Welch & Bartlett while the show was appearing at the Bowery Theatre in January, 1841. Bartlett continued that engagement until April 1, and then moved the operation to Philadelphia for a month. At the end of that stand he and William A. Delavan formed their partnership in Baltimore at the Front St. Theatre (then called the American Theatre). Levi J. North was their leading performer; Otto Motty, John Glenroy and George Cadwallader were there as well. They began their summer tour in the first week of June and in a month decided that business was so bad that they would sell. Rufus Welch and Alvah Mann purchased the circus on July 5, 1841, at Richmond, Virginia. During the period between Welch's withdrawal from his partnership with Bartlett and his purchase, with Mann, of the Bartlett & Delavan circus, P. H. Nichols organized his show, a small affair, mostly staffed with the lesser performers from Welch & Bartlett. It's possible of course, that Welch backed Nichols in the endeavor; it's also possible that Nichols was an assumed name, as it appears nowhere else in the literature. Sylvanus Spencer was the performance director, Abraham H. Mead, the agent. The somersault on a horse was advertised (not reported as an event) in the Republican Herald (Providence, Rhode Island), July 2, 1841. It is quoted in the F. S. Clark manuscript. W. C. Thompson wrote that Timothy Turner was the first to somersault on horseback and says it was done at the Bowery Theatre, but provides no date (On the Road with a Circus (New York, 1903), p88). However, he does say that Levi North; who was in opposition (i.e., playing at the same time in the same city), heard about it and performed the trick himself. We find Timothy Turner at the Bowery Amphitheatre in the winter of 1840-41, but not at the Bowery Theatre. North, who had just returned from England, was at the Bowery Theatre from November 23 to January 11, 1841. He wrote a letter to the New York Clipper published 26 January 1861, in which he said: "It (backward somersault on horseback) was never accomplished until I performed the feat in England in 1839. I was also the first to perform the feat in this country, in 1840 at the Bowery Theatre." Since he outlived Turner, North may have won the distinction of being the first to perform a somersault on a moving horse in America. His having performed it in England would seem to reinforce his claim. One aspect of performed athletics that must be remembered, is that performing a feat and performing it as a regular part of an act are two different things. CLAYTON & BARTLETT 1844-45 (New Pavilion Circus). John Clayton and Jonas Bartlett, proprietors. William P. Burrows, treasurer. John G. Sloat, agent. Roster: No documented roster. Route: Nov 25-27, 1844 Macon, GA Dec 10-21 Savannah, GA Dec 25 - Jan? Charleston, SC Jan 7-25+ Augusta, GA Ceased operation Jan, 1845. the business of Hall, Nathans, Tufts & Co. Daily Savannah Republican, January 27, 1840. Day, Charles H., “A Clown’s Log, Extracts from the Diary of the Late Joseph Blackburn, Chronicling Incidents of Travel with Circuses in the United States and England Forty Years Ago, with His Opinions of and Allusions to Professionals of the Period,” New York Clipper, February 14, 21, 28, 1880. An Annotated Narrative of Joe Blackburn’s A Clown's Log (Part Two) (As Compiled by Charles H. Day and Edited by William L. Slout) http://www.circushistory.org/History/Clown2.htm#BIB Day, “The Eventful Career,” op. cit.; 404. (snuff box reference) THE SECOND FUNERAL OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE : INCLUDING AN ACCOUNT OF THE EXHUMATION OF HIS REMAINS AT ST. HELENA; AND THEIR CONVEYANCE IN THE BELLE POULE TO FRANCE / illustrated by the artists who accompanied the expedition. - London : Robert Tyas , 1841. The transfer of Napoleon's remains to Paris in December 1840 and the magnificent ceremonial that accompanied their reinterrment aroused great interest in England as this book, with wood and steel engravings by the leading London workshop of Vizetelly, bears clear witness. In 1847 there is a listing of "J. & E. Bartlett, hotel." He was in partnership with his brother Elmer.